Tuesday, August 13, 2013

CPMLM [F] - In defense of Chairman Gonzalo

CPMLM [F] - In defense of Chairman Gonzalo

Chairman Gonzalo, imprisoned since 1992, in a Peruvian military jail, is deeply ill and his life is threatened. It is a moment of an extreme importance; the life of the great Maoist of these last thirty years is in danger.
Therefore, it is necessary to recall: to fight for Chairman Gonzalo means to fight for Communism! It is necessary to study Gonzalo and to apply his masterful understanding of the People's War, of the Thought, of dialectical materialism!
Here, it is necessary also to stress the importance of the Organization of the Workers of Afghanistan (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist), which just made a call to defend the life of Chairman Gonzalo, to mobilize in this sense.
This call is correct, and is the expression of the very important work of the Organization of the Workers of Afghanistan (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist) to underline the importance of Gonzalo in our communist identity.
As these comrades of Afghanistan say about Gonzalo: “He is People’s War until communism.” Gonzalo incarnates the ideological leap to Maoism.
The question of Gonzalo is precisely what separates us of new revisionism pretending to be “maoist”!
As these comrades of Afghanistan say:
“Today, it is Chairman Gonzalo and his all-powerful thought that gives the correct formulation of the scientific ideology of the international proletariat: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism.
The international line, Democratic line, mass line and military line of Communist Party of Peru which has been authored by Chairman Gonzalo, have international importance and great significance for world proletarian revolution. Chairman Gonzalo’s contributions are combat weapons that enables us the smash the rotten “new synthesis of Bob Avakian” and “Kiran-Prachanda twins revisionism of renegades of Nepal”.
So, in defense of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, we have to defend the legacy of its major contributions, and those major contributions are those who represent the all-powerful formulation of MLM by Chairman Gonzalo.
The above mentioned LINES are the extract of MLM in our epoch. So, to fight for Chairman Gonzalo’s life means to fight for Communism. We ask for unconditional release of Chairman Gonzalo, and we fight for it.”
The CPMLM of France always defended Gonzalo and is proud of having made a common document with the comrades of Afghanistan and Bangladesh on the concept of thought elaborated by Gonzalo, following the teachings of Mao Zedong.
The CPMLM of France always celebrated Gonzalo, not like the fake Maoists in our country who always rejected him or pretended defending him, only to betray him in a more perverted way.
Gonzalo, our best comrade, kept in total isolation and victim of ideological hoaxes pretending that he became a renegade, must be defended.
And all the reactionaries of the world must be warned: Gonzalo's lessons are eternally a part of our all powerful ideology ; any attack against him will transform itself in a contribution of the new revolutionary storm coming, the new red wave of the world proletarian revolution.
Gonzalo means People's War until Communism! Gonzalo means the understanding of the thought necessary in each country to make People's War! To defend Gonzalo is to defend dialectical materialism! 
CPMLM of France
August, 2013

We call for an international day in defense of life and health of Chairman Gonzalo


We call for an international day in defense of life and health of Chairman Gonzalo


Chairman Gonzalo’s health

July 29, 2013

What does genocidal fascist Humala say?

Our position

An international day in defense of life and health of Chairman Gonzalo

Fight for Chairman Gonzalo means fight for Communism!



Chairman Gonzalo has been in prison for twenty one years. During these long years, has never been admitted at any hospital, and has suffered a very difficult life, and has had health problems without receiving sufficient health care.

Chairman Gonzalo’s Health

It is said that Chairman Gonzalo suffers from heart disease, and he is quoted that he has never been hospitalized as long as he has been in prison (21 years long).

July 29, 2013

For the first time, was admitted to the hospital (Callao Hospital) in July 29, 2013, in the morning, but:
“After a major discomfort, it was urgently transferred to the naval base hospital where he is detained in a special regime for 21 years” (secoursrougge)

What does genocidal fascist, Humala say?


The butcher of Peruvian masses, Humala, which enjoys the power as the president of Peru country, is as dirty and country selling as was Fujimori.
This country selling politician, who is the enemy of Peruvian masses, and No.1 enemy of Peruvian Maoists, has warned that he does not care if Chairman Gonzalo’s health worsens:
“We cannot guarantee the health of a person of 80 years, and that must be left clear”
(Guadalupe Perez, mandated by genocidal, fascist and traitor old Peruvian President Humala) (vnd-peru)

Our Position

We once again reaffirm our selves in defense of Chairman Gonzalo’s health and life.
We as Communists, announce that:
Organization of the workers of Afghanistan (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist) upholds Chairman Gonzalo as the greatest living Marxist-Leninist-Maoist in the face of earth. So, we defend his life and demand for his health certainty.

An international Day in defense of life of Chairman Gonzalo

We call all communists and democratic forces of the world, and we ask the oppressed masses of the world, to once again rise in struggle, and defend the life of Chairman Gonzalo, appointing a day, as an INTERNATIONAL DAY IN DEFENSE OF HEALTH AND LIFE OF CHAIRMAN GONZALO.
We welcome protests, demonstrations and revolutionary rallies in such day, and we are for armed uprisings all over the world to push the Peruvian Fascist ruling clique not to be allowed to kill our beloved leader, the Jefi Chairman Gonzalo, who has given the formulation of Maoism, as new, third and higher stage in international ideology of the proletariat.
It is right to rebel, and it is right to rebel against the enemies of Chairman Gonzalo. Chairman Gonzalo is the red banner of liberation of the oppressed masses of the world. He is People’s War until communism. So, all communists, all revolutionary forces and the people of the world, stand in favor of his life and warn the imperialists, mainly Yankee imperialists and their puppets not to harm our leader. Otherwise, we will revenge, and we will show them the strength and zeal of proletarian class.
We warn the same to Humala and his traitor team, what PCP had already told the genocidal Fujimori and his dirty regime:
"We warn the genocidal traitor resolutely Fujimori, to the cowardly and genocidal armed forces who run it, specialists and experts defeats primed with the unarmed masses, the church hierarchy, judges and bureaucrats who support the genocide, and his great titiriero, mainly Yankee imperialism, to answer for the life and health of our boss because, otherwise, to happen some pay with their lives and those of all his fellows, whatever the takes. " 
 (Communist Party of Peru, Central Committee, Resolution December 1992)

Fight for Chairman Gonzalo means fight for Communism

Today, it is Chairman Gonzalo and his all-powerful thought that gives the correct formulation of the scientific ideology of the international proletariat: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism.
The international line, Democratic line, mass line and military line of Communist Party of Peru which has been authored by Chairman Gonzalo, have international importance and great significance for world proletarian revolution. Chairman Gonzalo’s contributions are combat weapons that enables us the smash the rotten “new synthesis of Bob Avakian” and “Kiran-Prachanda twins revisionism of renegades of Nepal”. So, in defense of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, we have to defend the legacy of its major contributions, and those major contributions are those who represent the all-powerful formulation of MLM by Chairman Gonzalo. The above mentioned LINES are the extract of MLM in our epoch. So, to fight for Chairman Gonzalo’s life means to fight for Communism. We ask for unconditional release of Chairman Gonzalo, and we fight for it
Proletarians and    Oppressed masses of the world unite!
Fight for Chairman Gonzalo, fight for Communism!
Red salutes to PCP and People’s War in Peru!
Long life Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!
People’s War until Communism!


China’s list of billionaires expands again

China’s list of billionaires expands again

By John Chan 
17 September 2011
According to the Hurun Report, China’s rich list publisher, the number of dollar billionaires in the country has reached at least 271, up from 189 last year. The average wealth of the 1,000 richest individuals—5.9 billion yuan ($US923 million)—represented a 20 percent increase from 2010, while the hurdle for entry into the rich 1,000 list is now $310 million, up from last year’s $220 million.

Hurun Report publisher Rupert Hoogewerf, a British accountant who used to compile the list for the US-based Forbes magazine, stated that “you can double the real number of billionaires in China to near 600” by including the “invisible billionaires.”
While Hoogewerf did not elaborate on the taboo subject of “invisible billionaires”, it is widely known in China that the term refers to the children and spouses of top Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leaders. This layer has amassed huge wealth through corrupt and semi-criminal methods, including the use of their political connections to acquire profitable state enterprises at low prices. Some have been hired as middlemen “executives” or “advisers” for transnational corporations investing in China, or become investment bankers who use insider information to manipulate share and property markets at the expense of small investors.
The burgeoning list of billionaires has put China ever closer to the United States (with 413 billionaires listed by Forbes) as the largest home of the super-rich, even as China’s average per-capita income ranked just 94th in the world in 2010, behind African countries such as Algeria and Angola.
The gulf between the ultra-rich and impoverished masses is the consequence of three decades of pro-market “reform” since 1978. The CCP laid the basis for the rapid rise of billionaires and multi-millionaires through cheap state credit, infrastructure projects, government support for key industries, widespread privatisation of state enterprises, opening of the economy to international capital, and above all, ruthless police-state repression of a massively expanding working class that provides the necessary cheap labour.
Until as recently as 2002, there were no dollar billionaires in China. Not accidentally, that year was a turning point, when the CCP’s national congress formally opened its doors to private business owners, underlining its role as the political vehicle of the country’s emerging capitalist class.
Despite their growing wealth, the new capitalist elites are sitting atop explosive economic and social contradictions—an unstable financial system, a superheated property market, massive overcapacity, rising inflation and growing frustration and unrest among working people.
Pointing to the speculative property bubble, Hoogewerf wrote: “There seems to be a relentless construction boom going on in China. Just about every tycoon is involved in the property market.” Of the top 10 billionaires, four are property developers and 29 of the richest 50 had significant real estate businesses.
These speculative activities have fuelled higher prices for housing and other basic essentials. As a result, the publication of the latest wealth list, in the words of the Wall Street Journal, “has become politically charged.” TheJournal cited an angry comment on the Twitter-like Web micro blog: “Half of the top 10 wealthiest people are in the real estate sector. They created housing slaves and housing slaves made them [rich].”
China’s richest man, Liang Wengen, this year is the chairman of the privately-owned Sany Heavy Industry, a machinery manufacturer. His fortune of $11 billion reflects China’s unstainable growth pattern—huge fixed investments in buildings, factories and capital goods, even as exports have slowed and domestic consumption has reached a record low of just 30 percent of GDP.
While Sany Heavy Industry boomed, the recent store closures of transnational retailers, such as Best Buy and Home Depot, pointed to the consumer sector decline. Likewise, the former No.1 on the rich list, Wahaha Group Chairman Zong Qinghou ($10.7 billion) slipped to second this year, because his beverage corporation’s net profit fell some 20 percent last year.
The previous No.1 in 2009, Wang Chuanfu, the chairman of BYD, China’s leading electric car manufacturer, fell to 12th, after BYD shares were hit heavily by an 84 percent drop in first half profit. Some 1,800 sales jobs will be shed this month, a sign of emerging trouble in China’s auto industry. Last Friday, Chinese officials predicted that auto sales would grow by only 5 percent this year, down from 32 percent growth last year.
China’s biggest capitalists are being forced to invest globally. Founded in 1989, Sany Heavy Industry is now part of the FT Global 500, with 60,000 workers and five industrial parks in China, and four manufacturing, and research and development sites in America, Brazil, India and Germany. Founded in 1995, BYD has also become a transnational auto company, employing 190,000 workers internationally.
Those on the rich list are bound up with the CCP regime. Of the top 50, 30 percent have “state political status.” Three are members of National People’s Congress, 11 are members of the People’s Political Consultative Conference—with three on its standing committee—and three are delegates to the CCP congress, including the No.1 on the list, Liang Wengen.
The ultra-rich and emerging middle classes have created an expanding market for luxury goods in China. Another Hurun report this year on the “consumption index of the wealthy” highlighted sharply rising demand and thus prices for luxury mansions, cars, watches, jewellery, wine, tobacco, overseas education and holidays. Prices for yachts and private jets rose by 20.1 percent over the past year. The cost of a bottle of 30-year Maotai wine jumped 60.8 percent to over $3,100. China overtook Japan as the world’s second largest market for luxury goods last year.
For impoverished workers and poor peasants, inflation means the erosion of their living standards. Half a billion Chinese live on less than $2 a day, and many millions more struggle to survive on a little over that amount. Most of the poor are in rural areas, which are also the source of more than 200 million migrant workers.
The poor toil as super-exploited labour in sweatshops, coal mines and construction sites, with no basic rights. Migrant workers cannot access services and their children cannot attend schools in the urban areas. Of the 10 million children unable to attend school due to poverty, half are working as child labourers. Poverty has forced another 10 million people, mainly young rural female workers, into prostitution.
Sooner or later, this vast social gulf between rich and poor must translate into open class conflict

Book Review – Maoism In India: Reincarnation Of Ultra-Left Wing Extremism In The Twenty-First Century

Book Review – Maoism In India: Reincarnation Of Ultra-Left Wing Extremism In The Twenty-First Century



1.      The author has put across his views on the rise of Maoism in India, which has been primarily attributed to the failure of both Colonial and the Indian State to implement land reforms and adoption of Nehruvian model of development as opposed to the Gandhian model of economic development.

2.      The author Bidyut Chakrabarty is a Professor in Political Science in University of Delhi and has written several books on the similar subjects while Dr Rajat Kujur is a Lecturer in Political Science at G.M. College, Sambalpur, Orissa.  He has made in-depth study of Maoism in Orissa. Their experience in the subject and detailed research work has led to significant contribution in the book.  The authors have attempted to answer issues like: Is Maoism reflective of the growing disenchantment of the people with the state?  Is it a comment on the ‘the distorted development planning’ pursued by the Government?  Is this an outcome of the processes of the ‘deepening of democracy’ in India?

3.      The author, through historical analysis, has attributed the rise of Maoism in India to the failure of development paradigm pursued by the Government which has disregarded the socio-economic requirements of ‘the peripheral’ sections of the society and aggravated their prevailing discontent. The fact has also been corroborated by the Expert Committee appointed by the Government. The author however considers Maoism to be still in embryonic stage and has also highlighted several ills of the Maoist cadres for justification.

4.      The authors have given an insight into the roots of Maoism, its growth and have attempted to comment on its future in India. The author agrees that the organizational evolution of the Maoism in India is a continuity of the erstwhile Naxalbari movement and drawn out from the Leninism-Marxism and Mao’s political ideas. The author has also identified the subtle differences between Maoism and Naxalism in a very lucid manner. The author has done well to analyse the ideology of Maoism that has enabled it to bind its cadres spreading over almost 13 States. This context driven articulation of Maoism has been identified as one of the most critical factor in the rise of Maoism and perhaps the most effective ideological voice of the downtrodden.

5.      The author has presented a detailed analysis of the Maoist document to identify the stages and components of revolution, the motive force behind the revolution i.e. the proletarian class, targets for the Indian revolution and the major components of the revolution.  According to the author, the Maoists have identified

four major issues for appealing the masses – Support the right to secession (to garner support of regional groups aspiring for secession such as in Kashmir and North East); Condemn caste system; Fight for the cause of dalits; and gender inequality. The author argues that given the prevalence of semi-colonial and semi-feudal system in India, the Indian Maoists will follow the Chinese model to mobilize masses for establishing a new democratic revolution as a prelude to the socialist revolution.

6.      The authors have taken Orissa as a case study to highlight underlying reasons for the spread of Maoism in the State.  They have done well to tabulate and carry out a detailed analysis of the data to arrive at the reasons for spread of Maoism.  There are a few factual inaccuracies in the data presented which could have been paid more attention.

7.      The authors have given a detailed account of the organizational structure of the Maoists and also the impact of ‘Salwa Judum’, a civilian anti-Naxalite movement to counter the mobilization of people towards Maoism.  The author has appropriately dealt on the subject of unification of various factions of Naxalites in India and also the growing nexus between similar organisations in South Asia. The initiatives instituted by the Government of Orissa for surrender and rehabilitation package for Naxals have also been covered in detailed.

8.      The authors argue that the Maoists are caught in a bind over the issue of development work by the government.  The author has highlighted the need for the Maoists to oppose the development work by the government while simultaneously pursuing the basic cause of lack of development in the region.   The author has very aptly summarized the contents as concluding observations at the end of each chapter.  The book provides a useful reading for bureaucrats, politicians, security forces, intelligence agencies, academicians and students of political science.
9.      The author could have paid more attention on the proof reading of the book.  At places the text has been repeated which could have been avoided.  The annotation of the footnotes needed more attention.  Spelling mistakes in the text could also have been avoided.  The price of book appears to be on the higher side. Overall the book is worth reading. The book has been written in a simple language and is able to retain the interest.

Rokeya’s dream versus Shofi’s Islamism

CPMLM-BD Document
Rokeya’s dream versus Shofi’s Islamism
Pioneer of women awakening in 19th century, Begum Rokeya dreamed of emancipation of Bengali Muslim women from male chauvinist oppression. She fought against Islamist restriction over women. But today, in 21st century, Bengali Muslim women is 
250px-Roquia_Sakhawat_Hussain
confronted with an Islamist who preached that women have to confine themselves in houses, should not study more than elementary school, have to give birth to male children by serving man ,working in Garment factories means adultery, if an old man doesn’t get aroused by seeing a woman, he is not a man, woman are like tamarind etc.

Different sections of men and women, middle class and even the bourgeoisie have been angered with the statement of Shofi. To many it seemed vulgar. Government and non government those who, yesterday took electoral blessing from him by touching his feet, brought him to Dhaka city and gave helicopter for his movement, are also annoyed.
But is that really a mad talk?
Isn’t it the real face of politically and socially imposed Islamism which even ashamed the evil gentry rich.
So who taught it? Who brought it? Who brought it up?
Who made religious education compulsory? Who kept Madrasha (Islamist school) education  system running? Who is letting big capital like Islami bank to run? Who made Shofi  chairman of Kowmi Madrasha Board?
Where from Shofi got that teaching?
The main points of Shofi’s statement are:
Women are material goods and sex slave to men. They are machine of child reproduction.
This is the main point of the Islamism that ruling classes have been imposing on people since ages. This is an idea of ruling classes. They want a justification to maintain their unjust rule and exploitation. So, they show it as “God’s order”.
People’s logic is just opposite. They want liberation from all forms of exploitation  and oppression. They are really against that type of Islamism!
20 July 2013
Communist party Marxist Leninist Maoist Bangladesh   

C.P.I.Maoist-evaluation of peoples war(celebrating legacy of Comrades C.M. and T.N. today) - See more at: http://kasamaproject.org/threads/entry/c-p-i-maoist-evaluation-of-peoples-war-celebrating-legacy-of-comrades-c-m-and-t-n-today#sthash.eeUD4iNY.dpuf

It has become a fashion in some revolutionary circles to criticize or condemn the C.P.I.(Maoist) particularly in groups like the C.P.I(M.L) led by K.N.Ramchandran and the C.P.I(M.L) Class struggle group which upholds the late Kanu Sanyal who term them as  ‘terrorists.’. The  Rahul foundation  erroneously criticizes the C.P.I.(Maoist) as non-marxist.The C.P.I.(Maoist )has defied all odds with their struggle in Dandkaranya the best example .Irrespective of errors in their military line they have defended armed revolutionary resistance more than any organization in India.Whatever maybe it’s weaknesses in practice the C.P.I.(Maoist) is the most correct of all revolutionary groups. They have proved how much they are ingrained with the masses.Inspite of adverse subjective conditions they have formed revolutionary commitees or ‘Janata Sarkars.’There is an analytical article in RDF organ Jan Pratirodh by Ajay Kumar which elaborates how democratically the ‘Janata Sarkars’ are created and how they participate in the everyday struggles of the tribals. The innovations  of the Maoists Are absolutely unbelievable, literally  creating  subjective conditions for their cause. They have defied groups who professed the ‘3 stage theory’ and prolonged armed struggle. Writers like Bernard d’Mellow or filmmakers like Sanjay Kak testify this phenomenan.Inspite of Bernard not accepting India as semi-feudal and colonial he has recognized the depths of their work. within the guerilla Zones. Inspite of not following orthodox Marxism-Leninism Mao-Tse Tung Thought they have innovated unique forms of struggle. Forces condemning them are actually speaking against the revolution. The author some years ago spoke to veteran Comrade Sunder Navalkar who upheld the struggle of the C.P.I.Maoist as the only genuinely correct line apart from their lack of urban work ,wrong stand on supporting nationality struggles as armed struggles and replacing Mao Thought with ‘Maoism.’ The Central Team of the C.P.I(M.l)in 1997  inspite of not merging with the erstwhile PW.group or now the C.P.I.(Maoist) defended the movement in Dandkaranya and Bihar.and comrades from the T.Nagi Reddy stream that deferred armed struggle who merged into the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.) tooth and nail defended the C.P.I.(Maoist) as a genuine revolutionary force.
The self criticism made b y the C.P.I.(M.L)Peoples War group in 1980 is of historical importance in the rectification of  the Charu Mazumdar line. “All forms of struggle are subordinate to, and are guided by the concrete political line. If the concrete political line deviates from the mass line, the forms of struggle cannot but be otherwise….. So in order to negate the line of annihilation, we have to negate the wrong ideology which is alien to Marxism and its consequential political and organisational manifestations. The rejection of other forms of struggle and organisation : Until then the party negated all mass organisations and all other forms of struggle, thereby isolating the party from the masses which made comrades easier targets for the enemy. In order to combat the long-standing revisionist practice of conducting mass struggles on the lines of economism and adopting legal and open forms of organisation as the only form of organisation, our party arrived at a one-sided and wrong formulation that the armed form of struggle is the only form of struggle and armed form of organisation the only form of organisation.”
 The C.P.I.(ML) peoples war  November 1995 conference was major achievement and reflected the great fighting spirit displayed by the organization from 1980.Today forces like The Communist Party of Phillipines,the most theoretically correct party since the revolutionary Chinese Communist party led by Mao have recognized the C.P.I.(Maoist) which is significant.The  inter-group self criticism  of clashes between M.C.C.and P.W in 2001 had historic significance and played major role in the formation of the Maoist Party in 2004.
Quoting Gautam Navlakha (Heartland of Rebellion): “Those who believe in liberty and equality must rejoice at the remarkable strides Maoists have made and for showing us how far the spirit of serving the people can take us. Critics can find faults, magnify them, over-read them, rulers can try to eliminate them. However one can never deny they are rooted in the people.’ They survive because of this, and they are expanding politically because a significant number of oppressed look to them for help. Its not only about Maoists reaching out to people. People are reaching out to them for help and inviting them to new areas, to assist them in everyday struggles. Therefore, I believe that whether they are dealt a setback or lose their bases or bases here or there, this movement is not going to  be obliterated. They have taken root among the people and if they are pushed from one area they will sprout elsewhere.”
Below I am reproducing a criticism of K.N.Ramchandran’s attack on the C.P.I.(Maoist) by Dhruv Jain.published in blog  workers dreadnought in March 2011.

K.N.Ramchandran:Some friends will definitely ask: how can you criticize the Maoists when they are shedding so much blood, when their leaders are also killed? How can you criticize them when they are waging a war against the state? Of course, we have respect for the sacrifice of the cadres of CPI(Maoist). That is why we condemned the killings of Shyam and Kishen, and many others like them in the past. Mao has repeatedly advised that we should not waste even a drop of blood, avoid unnecessary sacrifice. But even after more than three decades of their practice, the CPI(Maoist)leadership is not prepared to make an evaluation of their practice so far. In the first wave of left adventurism almost all the ML parties which emerged in 1960s suffered severe setbacks and disintegrated. Later, almost all the Maoist groups in different parts of the world like the Shining Path of Peru were wiped out. The Maoists in Philippines is almost stagnant. In Nepal they succeeded to play a leading role in overthrowing the monarchy only when they changed their line and took mass line.
In India, whatever may be the claims of the Maoist leaders and the propaganda of the state, they are a dwindling force. Not only that, all the former socialist countries have degenerated to capitalist path and the ICM is facing a severe setback. Without taking these aspects in to consideration, and the momentous changes that have taken place during the post-Second World War decades in to consideration, just by waging few squad actions in such a big country like India with more than 1.25 billion people and with such organized and centralized oppressive state machinery, how can the revolution be led forward? If the CPI(Maoist)leadership, impervious to all these factors, continue its suicidal path, can anyone justify them?
We are of the view that the leadership should be ruthlessly criticized and they should be asked to change their line if they want to contribute towards revolutionary advance. We are criticizing the CPI(M) leadership more fiercely, as revisionism is still the main danger in the communist movement. The task before the communist force is to take lessons from the past, reorganize the Party and lead the People’ Democratic Revolution forward mobilizing all the revolutionary classes and sections for it. We appeal to their cadres to come out of this anarchist politics and join the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist camp.
Dhruv Jain :There are some things in this last and closing statement that I will not address: namely K.N. Ramachandran’s tired polemic about ‘squad actions’. K.N. Ramachandran has repeated this line like a mantra for decades and is not apt to change anytime soon. However, I do not think that it is fair to claim that the CPI(Maoist) has made no evaluation of its work in the last three decades, any close observer of the CPI(Maoist) knows that this is not true, and I am confident that a summation document will be produced when the time is appropriate. Whether or not such document will be circulated publicly I do not know. Furthermore, the fact that the party has not disintegrated and has grown, with more areas of work than it did three decades ago, demonstrates its successes. Indeed, failures and setbacks have occurred, and will occur again, but that does not mean to suggest that the party has not learned from its mistakes and this is in fact part of the revolutionary process. As Mao Zedong famously said, “Fight, fail, fight again, fail again, fight again . . . until their victory; that is the logic of the people, and they too will never go against this logic. This is another Marxist law.” All revolutionary movements make mistakes; the question is whether they can learn the appropriate lessons. Indeed, if we were to be terrified of making mistakes than we would be unable to do anything, it would petrify the movement. But, we could ask K.N. Ramachandran who is so proud of his four decades in the ML movement where is his summation of his work and practice. Indeed, why does he feel that he remains a marginal politics both on a national level, and in most regional politics as well?
Finally, the failures of the Shining Path have to be understood in their own context as they have much to do with the situation in Peru, the personal authority invested into the figure of President Gonzalo, the urban strategy that was employed (indeed, if something can be said about the similarities between Peru and India is that leaders tend to be far more vulnerable in urban spaces, and often are arrested there – like the recent arrest in Kolkata of Rama Krishna and four other comrades), and their treatment of their support bases in light of state repression. Regarding the situation in the Philippines, K.N. Ramachandran is simply making stuff up. Indeed, the people’s war in the Philippines has grown steadily, albeit more slowly than some had hoped, with the development of new guerrilla fronts and the growth in the revolutionary mass movement. In the case of Nepal, K.N. Ramachandran demonstrates once again his own revisionist attitudes when he refers to the current politics of the UCPN(Maoist), which they earlier attacked, as being “mass line” when in fact it can be better described as a liquidation of the revolutionary movement.

The weakness in the C.P.I.(Maoist) is the lack of building work in the urban areas as well as peoples mass organizations. No doubt they have imitated Comrade Mao’s thesis of protracted Peoples War more than any organization since the Telengana Armed struggle. However there is a strong trend to copy the Chinese experience in toto and not differentiate the subjective conditions of India. India may not yet be capitalist and have strong remnants of semi-feudalism but there is a far greater impact of Imperialism on India in the urban and rural areas. The concept of capturing the countryside and encircling the cities propounded by the Chinese Communist Party cannot be mechanically copied. The influx of people into rural areas is so great as well as the impact of globalisation through multi-nationals. The erstwhile All-India peoples Resistance Forum and the current Revolutionary Democratic Front have not expanded into mass forums of revolutionary mass resistance and basically functioned as a forum supporting the Maoist party..A clear demarcation of a revolutionary party and mass organization was not made here. The author gives the ideal example of the mass –political forum  ‘Lok Morcha’ in Punjab which although sympathetic  to the Marxist Leninist revolutionary movement never functioned as a front organization of any communist revolutionary faction and defended it’s identity as a democratic mass organization. Stating this the author does not deny the historical revolutionary contribution of organizations led by  erstwhile PW or MCC groups like the Revolutionary Writers Association(Andhra Pradesh) ,the Nari Mukti Sangh(Bihar) and the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union. The C.P.I.(Maoist) deserves it’s recognition like the International Conference to support the peoples war and by intellectuals like Jan Myrdal but critical evaluation shave to be made. There is a strong tendency of Maoist parties uncritically supporting the current struggle on par with the peoples war in Phillipines or the Peoples War in Peru in the earlier period which is incorrect. Another mistake of the C.P.I. (Maoist) is it’s adherence to the tactic of’Boycott’ of elections as the strategic  path and it’s rejection of adopting participation in parliamentary elections as a tactic completely. This contradicts comrade Lenin’s teachings. Infact one observation of the author is when summing up the history the C.P.I.(Maoist) mention s the armed struggles of the Peoples War in Andhra Pradesh and Maoist Communist Centre in Bihar  but obliterates the contribution of the C.P.I.(M.L.)Party Unity Group in Bihar(particularly the peasant resistance in Jehenabad)Thus this analysis basically upholds the military line and not the mass resistance movements of the masses. The PU group infact wished to ultimately utilise the tactics of participation in elections.Infact in Jharkhand the current C.P.I.(Maoist)  practice is closer to that of the erstwhile Maoist Communist Centre and not consolidated the revolutionary peasant movement of the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad led by the erstwhile PU group. Summing up a revolutionary struggle in perspective of massline in 1989 it stated: “Looking over this entire period it became clear that only in the course of struggle has the organization grown and people become more conscious and seen through the wrong ideology of the exploitative enemy classes. In the course of struggle so much is gained on all sides by the people that seeing these gains and transformations one gets an idea of the bright future that is to come .However much the exploiting classes may arm themselves and employ specialists, the poor and landless peasants and people who confront them in struggles will go ahead from strength to strength. Along with this struggle isues pertaining to other exploited cases can be taken up and these calls may be approached with our propaganda. The leadership of the party can only base the struggle on the poor and landless peasants.In the course of mass-based struggle oriented movement different classes combine in the struggle like bone combining with muscle.
Against above mentioned injustices  the masses adopt forms of widespread mass –propoganda ,assembly, procession, gherao, demonstration, crop-seizure, wall –poster ,hand-bill distributions ,crop-damage ,exposure of superstitions ,propogation of scientific views etc,against the feudal attacks when no other stage is left-the masses adopt the armed resistance of self –defence.At present ,the mass struggle is on the question of land seizure is eing conducted by the worker-peasant organization under the leadership of the party.”
It must be noted that the conditions in India are not like what they were when the Red Army was formed in China in the 1930s.There was far greater level of armed revolutionary peasant resistance in the era of the C.C.P in the 1930’s.An armed village self defence corpses is necessary but in the author’s view the subjective conditions do not prevail for formation of a fully developed Peoples Liberation Guerilla Army. The author read a report in a revolutionary journal ‘The Comrade’ depicting the mass line of a revolutionary peasant organization in 1986-1988 in North Bihar where the emphasis was placed on the revolutionary armed peasant resistance as against annihilation of armed squads. The Village volunteer armed corpse only defended the revolutionary resistance and did not substitute it. In the view of the author the movement led by the C.P.I.(M.L.) Party Unity had more significance towards the mass line than the Maoist Communist centre as it combined mass struggles with armed struggle. The  Srikakulam Girijan Sangham in Andhra Pradesh in the early 1990’s was  critical of armed squad actions   of the erstwhile Peoples War Group. The Srikakulam Girijan Sangham in 1992 issued a letter addressed to the peoples war Group on how they would participate in an agitation defending  a regulation 70 which protected land rights of Girijans. In 1993 it published a leaflet critical of an assassination carried out by a Peoples war squad one big  landlord Venpatu Satyam .It explained how it was not a people’s armed action but the equivalent of killing a mosquito but not resisting the breeding pit which created the mosquito. Weaknesses in the erstwhile Peoples War Group were also shown by their supporting of the N.T.R govt against the Congress in 1985 and using kidnapping as a political tactic. Armed squad clashes (inter-group rivalry) also occurred between involving the P.W.group with the Chandra Pulla Reddy group in the early 1990’s in Andhra Pradesh and between the PU and Later PW group with the M.C.C..This reflected the erroneous military line.
Inspite of gross errors  in military and mass line it is notable how the peoples War Group avenged  the killing of 250 comrades from 1984-89 and 400 comrades from 1990-1995 by attacking police camps. In December 1999 the PW group retaliated against the Killing of their 3 leading central Committee members.-namely Shyam, Murali and Mahesh.A revolutionary journal ‘the Comrade’ (C.P.R.C.I.-M.L.) defended the revolutionary resistance inspite of endorsing the T.Nagi Reddy Line. “As expected of a serious communist revolutionary Organization, the Peoples War group undertook a retaliatory, military campaign which reflected a particular revolutionary political purpose and were selectively and specifically targeted to attack the properties of the ruling classes political and administrative reactionaries. The state and the ruling class forces were completely shaken by the ferocity of the retaliation of the PWG. Particularly at  Darakond village in Vishakapatnam.Whatever be the might of the reactionary state it could not cow down the communist revolutionaries dedicated to fighting revolution. The PWG took retaliatory actions to a higher stage and several parliamentary politicians fled to the villages. However, the communist revolutionaries must be aware that such armed actions of party guerilla squads themselves cannot eliminate the reactionary state and need to win over the admiration of the people who need to voluntarily  participate directly or indirectly in such armed actions. In several protests the PWG is unable to involve the broad masses and only mobilize their members or supporters. A PWG circular too was self-critical explaining their military actions were incorrect as they only organized their own cadre and  failed to deploy adequate opportunities to educate and involve the people.”
- See more at: http://kasamaproject.org/threads/entry/c-p-i-maoist-evaluation-of-peoples-war-celebrating-legacy-of-comrades-c-m-and-t-n-today#sthash.eeUD4iNY.dpuf

Maoist Communist Party Manipur for a common platform of Maoists

Maoist Communist Party Manipur for a common platform of Maoists

09 August 2013:In connection with its second anniversary, Taibanglen Meitei, chairman of the Maoist Communist Party Manipur extended revolutionary greetings to all the proletarian revolutionaries of the world particularly the Indian Maoist and its armed wing the Peoples Liberation Guerilla Army (PLGA) , the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its armed wing the New People’s Army (NPA). The Manipur Maoist also extended revolutionary greetings to all Maoist groups of Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan as also to all the revolutionary groups of India’s North Eastern region.
The outfit also extended revolutionary salute all the martyes who sacrificed their lives for the sake of Manipur from the times of Hijam Irabot till today. With the completion of two years of its establishment, the outfit will intensify its movement both at the international and national level, the Maoist statement issued by Taibanglen Meitei said. World Proletarian Revolution would have a new lease of life if Maoist groups operating in Asia worked together on a common plateform by setting up an Asian Maoist Coordinating Committee, Taibanglen Meitei observed in the statement and termed it as a scientific political outlook towards ending conflict in the Asian region.
The outfit will start having discussions on this matter with other groups in the region, it added. While stressing the need for taking forward the revolutionary movement in Manipur, the Maoist also reiterated its stand to safeguard indigenous communities and indigenous people. Sharing outfit’s view on the matter, the Maoist said any outsider who entered Manipur after 1949 will be treated as non-Manipuri and those who had settled in Manipur before 1949 and their offsprings will be declared Manipuri wheather they belong to Teli, Nepali, Bengali or other community. Manipuri if we study in details and discussed can be classificd into two groups -indigenous people and non-indigenous, the Maoist asserted and termed the indigenous Manipuri as those who settled in the soil from time immemorials and their offsprings.
Those who have migrated to the state from outside can be termed non-indigenous Manipuri, the Maoist said added that Nepali and Meitei-Pangal group which do not have Manipuri surname could be included in this group. The outfit however called for bringing unity amongst different communities and collectively launch a united offensive against India to free Manipur from its colonial yoke. The outfit also urged the people of all the communities to extend support and cooperate in various movements to be initiated to safeguard indigenous communities and people
زنده باد مارکسیسم-لنینیسم-مائوئیسم